McCain’s nuke plan is good, but could go farther
Yesterday, Senator John McCain gave a speech that described how his administration would enhance global nuclear security. The speech addressed all of the most important issues relating to nuclear security and Senator McCain endorsed a variety of sound ideas. But for the U.S. to obtain the leverage it needs to make significant progress against current and future nuclear proliferation rogues, future U.S. policy will need to go farther than what Senator McCain proposed.
Media headlines from the speech discussed Senator McCain’s willingness to discuss further warhead reductions with Russia and China. But Russia and China, being rational players, are the least important nuclear worries for the U.S. The gravest nuclear problem for the U.S. and the world is proliferation to rogue states and non-state actors. The top priority of U.S. nuclear security policy should be to obtain leverage over this problem.
In practice, obtaining leverage over the proliferation problem means being able to gain international cooperation in economically, financially, and politically isolating rogue proliferators such as Iran and North Korea. In order to gain this cooperation, it must be clear to even anti-American third parties that the rogue proliferators, and not the U.S., are the “bad guys.” And in order to achieve this state of perception, the U.S. should state its willingness to disarm itself of its nuclear weapons, if the rest of the world does the same and enters into other agreements and arrangements that would make these conditions enforceable.
I believe there is no chance, zero, that the rest of the world would agree to these conditions. Therefore, the U.S. will be a nuclear weapons state for the indefinite future. But declaring the reasonable conditions under which the U.S. would disarm its nuclear inventory would allow the U.S. to gain the political and diplomatic leverage it will need to organize international coalitions against existing and future proliferation rogues.
Senator McCain’s speech listed some of arrangements that would be part of enforcing a hypothetical nuclear weapons-free world:
1) Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty, making it illegal to produce weapons-grade fissile material and reactor-grade fissile material without international supervision.
2) Establish international enrichment centers, guarantee access to this output, while banning any country from having its own enrichment capability.
3) Undisclosed transfers of nuclear technology would be illegal and subject to punitive interdiction.
4) Enlist more countries into the Proliferation Security Initiative, and encourage the Initiative to use military force to interdict suspected illegal nuclear shipments.
These steps, plus some additional enforcement measures, would be the minimum necessary to enforce a nuclear weapons-free world.
Needless to say, these measures would be a severe encroachment on sovereignty, thus guaranteeing they would never be agreed to, especially by some rising developing countries. Although the U.S. government seems to have lost its interest in nuclear weapons, that is certainly not the case elsewhere in the world. In the developing world, and among non-state terror groups, nuclear weapons are seen as the “great equalizer.” Aided by bureaucratic allies such as IAEA director Mohamed ElBaradei, countries such as Iran and North Korea have turned the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty on its head, using it as a highway instead of a barrier to the Bomb.
The developing world has viewed U.S. hesitancy to push for nuclear disarmament as hypocrisy. In current circumstances, this is not helpful for the U.S., since the U.S. needs the international community to cooperate on severe economic and financial sanctions against nuclear proliferation rogues such as Iran.
And although a nuclear weapons-free world will not ever come about, ironically it is the U.S. that would be the greatest beneficiary in such a world. America’s vast conventional and technological military superiority would be even more decisive in a nuclear-free world. That is the best reason why the rest of the world will never accept Senator McCain’s reasonable proposals.
But that is all the more reason why the U.S. should vigorously push for them. Even better, the U.S. should pledge to disarm itself of nuclear weapons if these proposals were effectively adopted and if all other countries similarly and verifiably disarm.
Again, there is no chance of any of this actually happening. But what the U.S. needs now is the diplomatic leverage to round up large coalitions against the nuclear rogues. Getting on the good side of the issue, while making the rogues look very bad, would be a big boost to this important diplomatic effort.
POSTSCRIPT
Senator McCain also mentioned reducing or eliminating deployments of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. Does the U.S. maintain tactical nuclear weapons in Europe in order to deter a Russian attack on Europe? The European Union has twice the population of Russia, at least twelve times Russia’s economic output, and exceeds Russia in science and technology. Two members of the EU are nuclear weapon states. It would seem that Europe has the capability of deterring Russia all by itself. It is about time Europe grew up and established its own nuclear weapons doctrine.
Media headlines from the speech discussed Senator McCain’s willingness to discuss further warhead reductions with Russia and China. But Russia and China, being rational players, are the least important nuclear worries for the U.S. The gravest nuclear problem for the U.S. and the world is proliferation to rogue states and non-state actors. The top priority of U.S. nuclear security policy should be to obtain leverage over this problem.
In practice, obtaining leverage over the proliferation problem means being able to gain international cooperation in economically, financially, and politically isolating rogue proliferators such as Iran and North Korea. In order to gain this cooperation, it must be clear to even anti-American third parties that the rogue proliferators, and not the U.S., are the “bad guys.” And in order to achieve this state of perception, the U.S. should state its willingness to disarm itself of its nuclear weapons, if the rest of the world does the same and enters into other agreements and arrangements that would make these conditions enforceable.
I believe there is no chance, zero, that the rest of the world would agree to these conditions. Therefore, the U.S. will be a nuclear weapons state for the indefinite future. But declaring the reasonable conditions under which the U.S. would disarm its nuclear inventory would allow the U.S. to gain the political and diplomatic leverage it will need to organize international coalitions against existing and future proliferation rogues.
Senator McCain’s speech listed some of arrangements that would be part of enforcing a hypothetical nuclear weapons-free world:
1) Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty, making it illegal to produce weapons-grade fissile material and reactor-grade fissile material without international supervision.
2) Establish international enrichment centers, guarantee access to this output, while banning any country from having its own enrichment capability.
3) Undisclosed transfers of nuclear technology would be illegal and subject to punitive interdiction.
4) Enlist more countries into the Proliferation Security Initiative, and encourage the Initiative to use military force to interdict suspected illegal nuclear shipments.
These steps, plus some additional enforcement measures, would be the minimum necessary to enforce a nuclear weapons-free world.
Needless to say, these measures would be a severe encroachment on sovereignty, thus guaranteeing they would never be agreed to, especially by some rising developing countries. Although the U.S. government seems to have lost its interest in nuclear weapons, that is certainly not the case elsewhere in the world. In the developing world, and among non-state terror groups, nuclear weapons are seen as the “great equalizer.” Aided by bureaucratic allies such as IAEA director Mohamed ElBaradei, countries such as Iran and North Korea have turned the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty on its head, using it as a highway instead of a barrier to the Bomb.
The developing world has viewed U.S. hesitancy to push for nuclear disarmament as hypocrisy. In current circumstances, this is not helpful for the U.S., since the U.S. needs the international community to cooperate on severe economic and financial sanctions against nuclear proliferation rogues such as Iran.
And although a nuclear weapons-free world will not ever come about, ironically it is the U.S. that would be the greatest beneficiary in such a world. America’s vast conventional and technological military superiority would be even more decisive in a nuclear-free world. That is the best reason why the rest of the world will never accept Senator McCain’s reasonable proposals.
But that is all the more reason why the U.S. should vigorously push for them. Even better, the U.S. should pledge to disarm itself of nuclear weapons if these proposals were effectively adopted and if all other countries similarly and verifiably disarm.
Again, there is no chance of any of this actually happening. But what the U.S. needs now is the diplomatic leverage to round up large coalitions against the nuclear rogues. Getting on the good side of the issue, while making the rogues look very bad, would be a big boost to this important diplomatic effort.
POSTSCRIPT
Senator McCain also mentioned reducing or eliminating deployments of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. Does the U.S. maintain tactical nuclear weapons in Europe in order to deter a Russian attack on Europe? The European Union has twice the population of Russia, at least twelve times Russia’s economic output, and exceeds Russia in science and technology. Two members of the EU are nuclear weapon states. It would seem that Europe has the capability of deterring Russia all by itself. It is about time Europe grew up and established its own nuclear weapons doctrine.

5 Comments:
The reality of "rouge proliferation" is that Pakistan was the premier actor in that play.
Both Iran and North Korea were on the recieving end of the proliferation supply chain.
Not the shipping end.
Perhaps the NorKs were assiting the Syrians in building a plutonium reactor, or something else entirely.
The value of NorK expertise is questionable, since none of the NorK nuclear tests have been truly successful, unless they were developing a "suitcase" type weapon. Their sysmic events not providing a large enough signature for a Hiroshima size device.
Westhawk, I think you are nuts.
1. General "disarmament" fever in the US would lead to inevitably no nukes for the US while everyone else has them. This was the experience of the inter-War years. Disarmament is always attractive because money spent on military uses can be used for domestic patronage purposes by various Democratic/Liberal groups.
Disarmement must always be resisted.
2. There is NO WAY Iran or any other nuclear proliferator will stop on the nuclear path UNLESS FORCED BY MILITARY THREATS.
Iran and other proliferators easily escape sanctions, commercial/diplomatic pressure, just as Pakistan and North Korea did.
UNLESS and UNTIL the US uses military force to force Iran and other proliferators to give up nukes, proliferation is a done deal.
Not only does nukes allow even weak states to threaten the US, including the US homeland credibly (through deniable terrorist proxies) but also their neighbors. Unless massive and destructive force is used, no nation like Iran will ever give up nukes.
Nukes are ineffective and obsolete means of projecting national power; the battleships of the 21st century. The direction of munitions for the last 50 years has been to smaller packages more precisely delivered to increase the probability of destroying the intended target with minimized collateral damage. Unless our intention is genocidal, there is little nukes can do that conventional weapons cannot do better. As a result, it is difficult to imagine the circumstances under which POTUS would authorize the use of nukes.
If we were to unilaterally remove nukes from our inventory, the pressure on other nation-states to do the same would be overwhelming. And it would be in their interest to follow. This leaves rogue states and their client terrorist groups or a terrorist group lucky enough to obtain an operational nuke from a non-cooperating nation state as the primary threat.
The principal situation we need be concerned with is that a terrorist detonates a nuclear device. If one did so, what would be the response? We would not know which terrorist group had detonated it? Even if they claimed responsibility, would that claim be credible and actionable? And how long would it take before we knew from what reactor the nuclear material had come? And knowing this, what would be the appropriate response? Should vengeance and setting an example be our intention we could deliver a much more devastating response by simply returning the country to the stone-age, a task well within the capability of our cruise missile arsenal.
And without the very substantial costs associated with developing new nuclear weapon designs for our enemies to steal and maintaining and operating our existing weapons we could redirect the unneeded resources to some other area of national defence, say developing a safe power generation reactor to provide enough cheap electricity to power our battery powered automobiles.
Nukes should be assigned to the same ash heap as the equally ineffective biological and chemical weapons.
The Thunder Run has linked to this post in the - Web Reconnaissance for 05/29/2008 A short recon of what’s out there that might draw your attention, updated throughout the day...so check back often.
希望大家都會非常非常幸福~
「朵朵小語‧優美的眷戀在這個世界上,最重要的一件事,就是好好愛自己。好好愛自己,你的眼睛才能看見天空的美麗,耳朵才能聽見山水的清音。好好愛自己,你才能體會所有美好的東西,所有的文字與音符才能像清泉一樣注入你的心靈。好好愛自己,你才有愛人的能力,也才有讓別人愛上你的魅力。而愛自己的第一步,就是切斷讓自己覺得黏膩的過去,以無沾無滯的輕快心情,大步走向前去。愛自己的第二步,則是隨時保持孩子般的好奇,願意接受未知的指引;也隨時可以拋卻不再需要的行囊,一路雲淡風輕。親愛的,你是天地之間獨一無二的旅人,在陽光與月光的交替之中瀟灑獨行.............................................................................................................有時,你覺得痛。胃痛的時候,接受它,承認這個疼痛是你的身體的一部份,與它和平共處。心痛的時候,接受它,承認這個經驗是你的生命的一部份,與它和平共處。抗拒痛的存在,只會讓它更要證明它的存在,於是你就更痛。所以,.無論你有多麼不喜歡痛的感覺,還是要接納這個痛的事實。與你的痛站在同一邊,不逃避,不閃躲,不再與你的痛爭執,如此,你的痛才會漸漸不再胡鬧,才會乖乖平息下去。.................心願-你許下了一個心願,你閉上眼睛,在冥想之中把這個心願交託宙給宇整個讓宇宙推動它全部的力.量去執行.,你看見星球與星球的引力牽繫著彼此,你聽見虛空與虛空.唱裡著和妙美的聲音,為了你的心願,整個宇宙正在相互傳遞,然後你放下了心願,不僅是放下,最好你還把你的心願忘記,唯有如此,它才能脫離你,發展它自己,
當它在宇宙的遊歷結束之後,它自然會來到你身邊,以你曾經希望的方式回應你,許下,只是讓它發生,放下,才是讓>它實現,你的心願使你懂得不能執著的奧秘...................深秋的芒草又開了嗎?你循著去年秋天走過的小徑來到芒花如海浪起伏的野地。和記憶中一樣的風景風溫度濕度甚至風吹過臉頰的速度也是一樣的你循著小徑往前走漸漸有了某種幻覺彷彿可以就這樣一路走回去年秋天的從前然而這是另一個秋天了一個和了一以前不同的秋天一個此時的秋天時的在這個秋天之中的時你也的是一個和以前不同的你一個此時的你此時新生之時親愛的繼續往前走吧穿越過感傷的小徑與想念的芒絮之的芒後你將會再度重逢新生的自己。哪裡出了錯?為什麼你的總心是裡有那麼多的恐懼和猜疑不安和失落那你看那風中的飛花它從不為明日擔憂只是輕盈地悠遊自在地來去當一朵花還棲止在枝頭上的時候它不過是一棵樹的一部份唯有當它從枝頭落下才成為它自己因此親愛的你現在所攀附的枝頭也並不是你全部的世界雖是你然它提供了你目前所需了的養份但總有一天你會發現另一個真正會屬於你的世界那時你將像是一朵飛花在風中輕盈地悠遊自地盈在地來去
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